Câhiliye döneminde şair ve hatipler tarafından bir meleke olarak kullanılan belagat, geçirdiği hazırlık ve gelişim döneminin ardından ilmî teşekkülünü tamamlayarak Arap dil ilimlerinde müstakil bir dal haline gelmiştir. Ebû Ya‘kûb es-Sekkâkî (öl. 626/1229) öncülüğünde “meânî-beyân-bedî‘” olarak üç başlık altında ele alınmaya başlanan belagat konularının bedî‘ kısmına, Sekkâkî sonrası şerh ve hâşiye dönemi müellifleri tarafından yeni sanatlar eklenmiştir. Bu sanatlardan birisi de tarif ve tesmiyesi Sa‘duddîn et-Teftâzânî’ye (öl. 792/1390) ait olan tecâzüb sanatıdır. Farklı pek çok disiplinde ilmî ve edebî bir terim (...) olarak yer alan bu sanatın etkin kullanım alanlarından birisi de fıkıh ilmidir. Fıkıh sahasında bu sanattan istifade eden âlimlerden birisi Şemsuddîn Muhammed el-Kuhistânî’dir (öl. 962/1555). Kuhistânî Câmi‘u’r-rumûz adlı eserinde öşrün vücûbiyeti ve şart muhayyerliği konularını izah etmek üzere tecâzüb sanatına başvurmaktadır. Ne var ki Kuhistânî’nin kullandığı tecâzüb ifadesi ilim dünyasında anlaşılamayıp muğlak ifadeler olarak kalınca bu ifadelerden kastın ne olduğunu açıklayan bazı risâleler kaleme alınmıştır. Bunlardan birisi de ‘Abdulganî en-Nâblusî’nin çalışmamıza esas olan en-Nesîmu’r-rebî‘î fi’t-tecâzübi’l-bedî‘î adlı risâlesidir. Nâblusî’nin bu risâleyi kaleme almasının ana nedeni, kendisinden önce Kuhistânî’ye ait ifadeleri açıklamak gayesiyle Esne’l-metâlib fî beyâni ma‘ne’t-tecâzüb adında muhtasar bir risâle kaleme alan Seyyid Ahmed el-Hamevî’ye (öl. 1098/1687) reddiye yapmaktır. Nâblusî, Hamevî’ye ait bu risâleyi görmüş ve onun tespitlerinden bazılarını hatalı bulduğunu belirterek reddiye mahiyetinde mezkûr risâlesini kaleme almıştır. Hamevî’nin açıklamalarına ciddi eleştiriler getiren Nâblusî, öşrün vücûbiyeti ve şart muhayyerliği hususlarındaki Kuhistânî’ye ait ifadeleri tecâzüb sanatı açısından yeniden açıklama yoluna gitmiş ve bu konularda Hamevî’ye ait toplamda altı görüşe deliller getirmek suretiyle reddiye yapmıştır. Nâblusî’nin bu risâlesi; zengin kaynak kullanımı, yalın ifade üslûbu ve açıklayıcı örneklerle öne çıkmakta, tecâzüb sanatına dair kapsamlı bilgiler ihtiva etmektedir. Bu araştırma ile ilk olarak tecâzüb kavramı Teftâzânî üzerinden açıklanmış; ardından Nâblusî’nin mezkûr risâlesi, reddiye yaptığı Hamevî’ye ait risâleyle mukabele edilmek suretiyle detaylı olarak analiz edilmiştir. Bu noktada ilk olarak tartışmaya esas olan Kuhistânî’ye ait ifade verilmiş, ardından Hamevî’nin konuya dair açıklaması zikredilmiş, son olarak da Nâblusî’nin reddiyesine yer verilmiştir. Çalışmanın son bölümünde ise Nâblusî’ye ait risâlenin tahkikli metni yer almaktadır. (shrink)

İbn Hacer’in Nuhbetü’l-Fiker ’i ve onun şerhi olan Nüzhetü’n-Nazar ’ının, kendisinden sonra yazılan hadis usûlü eserlerine kaynaklık etmesi ve onları etkilemesi açısından usûl tarihinde önemli bir yeri vardır. Nitekim mezkûr eserler üzerine yapılan şerh ve hâşiye çalışmalarının çokluğu bu önemi ortaya koymaktadır. Fıkıh ve hadis başta olmak üzere çeşitli ilim dallarında 100’ün üzerinde eser kaleme alan ve aynı zamanda İbn Hacer’in de talebelerinden olan Kasım b. Kutluboğa da bahsedilen eser üzerine çalışma yapan âlimlerden biridir. İbn Kutluboğa, hocası İbn Hacer’i birçok (...) yönden eleştirmiş ve çeşitli katkılarda bulunmuştur. Bu makalede İbn Kutluboğa’nın Nüzhetü’n-Nazar üzerine yazdığı Hâşiyetü İbn Kutluboğa adlı eserindeki itirazlar bağlamında kısaca red/itiraz kültüründen bahsedilerek örnekler ortaya konulacak ve mezkûr itirazlar esere hâşiye yazan ilgili bazı âlimlerin görüşleri çerçevesinde değerlendirilecektir. Ele alınan itirazlardan da anlaşılacağı üzere İbn Kutluboğa’nın polemik türü ve muhatabını ilzam edici itirazlarının neredeyse olmadığı ve yönelttiği kimi eleştirilerinde hadis usûlünde bilinen kurallardan farklı görüşler ortaya koyduğu tespit edilmiştir. Ayrıca İbn Kutluboğa’nın öne sürdüğü her itirazında isabetli yorumlar ortaya koymadığını da söylemek mümkündür. (shrink)

Kur’ân’daki belâgat yönleri sınırsızdır. Bununla birlikte âlimler tarafından bunların ortaya çıkarılması istenmiştir. Bu yönlerden biri de belâgatte itnâbın bir çeşidi olan i‘tirâz cümlesidir. İ‘tirâzın Türkçedeki karşılığı ara cümledir. Fakat bunun iki dildeki kullanılma amaçları farklıdır. Bu çalışma, Arap dilinde i‘tirâz cümlesinin kelamda bulunabileceği yerleri konu edinmektedir. Bu yüzden ara cümle yerine itirâz kavramının kullanılması tercih edilmiştir. Bu bağlamda öncelikle i‘tirâz kavramının sözlük, terim anlamı anlatılmış ve bu tanımın değerlendirilmesi yapılmıştır. Daha sonra klasik nahiv kitaplarından i‘tirâz cümlesinin kelamda bulunabileceği yerler tesbit (...) edilmiş, daha çok nahiv açısından hangi ögeler arasında olduğu değerlendirilmeye çalışılmış, şiir ve ayet bağlamında i‘tirâzın yansıması ele alınmaya gayret edilmiştir. Ayrıca gerek ayetlerin açıklanmasında gerek i‘tirâz olmasının tesbitinde meşhur tefsir kitaplarından da istifade edilmiş, tefsirlerde ayetteki cümlenin i‘tirâz olarak kabul edildiği, eğer i‘tirâz kabul edilmiyorsa neden edilmediği ifade edilmiştir. Şiirlerin anlamı ve ayetlerin meâlinde olabildiğinde itirâz cümlesinin yansıtılmasına özen gösterilmiştir. Konunun daha iyi anlaşılabilmesi için cümlelerdeki ögelerin i‘râb açısından ne olduğu da gerektiğinde belirtilmiştir. Çalışmada amaç, Arap dilinde i‘tirâz cümlesinin kelâmda bulunabileceği yerleri tespit etmek, hangi yerlerin az, hangilerinin de çok olduğunu, ayrıca belâgat olarak da hangi amaçlar için getirildiğini ortaya koymak ve bu cümlelerin kelamda kullanılmasının genel bir amacını ortaya koymaktır. Aynı şekilde ayetlerde bu cümlelerin var olmasının manaya nasıl bir fayda sağladığını göstermektir. Nahivde i‘tirâzın gerçekleşmesi için iki öge arasında bulunması gerekir. Belâgatte iki kelam arasında olması yeterli görülmektedir. Bu çalışma daha çok nahiv ile ilgili olan iki öge arasındaki i‘tirâzı kapsamaktadır. Bununla birlikte iki öge arasında kabul edebileceğimiz mana olarak birbirine bağlı iki kelam arasındaki i‘tirâzlara da değinilmiştir. Her çalışmanın kendisine ait bir öneminin olduğu muhakkaktır. Bu çalışma da yirmi kadar tefsirin incelenip Arap dilindeki i‘tirâz cümlelerini ortaya çıkarmayı amaçlaması açısından öneme sahiptir. Zira çalışma sonunda ayetlerdeki i‘tirâz cümleleri hakkında bilgi sahibi olunacağı gibi tefsirler ışığında bu cümleler hakkında bir öngörüye de sahip olunacaktır. Ayrıca i‘tirâz cümleleri âlimler tarafından bazen birinci ögenin devamı gibi kabul edilmekte, dolayısıyla i‘tirâz cümlesi kabul edilmemektedir. Bu da anlama büyük bir etki yapmaktadır. Zira i‘tirâz olduğunda birinci cümle ile i‘râb yönünden bağlantısı olmayacakken; birinci cümlenin ögesi kabul edildiğinde i‘râb olarak ona bağlı olduğu gibi anlam olarak da onun devamı olmakta ve i‘tirâz olma özelliğini kaybetmektedir. Dolayısıyla bazı ayetlerin anlamının değişmesini bu yönden ele alması açısından araştırmanın konusu ayrıca bir öneme sahiptir. (shrink)

Hukuk sistemleri, kişinin maddi varlığı kadar manevi varlığını da korumayı amaçlamaktadır. İslam’ın insanı konumlandırdığı yer sebebiyle fıkıh da insanın manevi varlığını koruyacak normlar ortaya koymuştur. Yargı alanında asırlar boyu bu normları esas alan Osmanlı, Batı’nın etkisiyle birlikte bu normları kanunlaştırmaya başlamıştır. Bu kapsamda insanın manevi varlığına yönelik tecavüzler de kanun metinlerine girmiş, mahkemelerin davaları bu kanunlar çerçevesinde ele almaları istenmiştir. Kanunlarda ise manevi varlığa yönelik hakaret suçlarının klasik Hanefî fıkhına uygun olarak düzenlendiği görülmektedir. Lakin kanun yapımında zamanla fıkhî birikimden daha (...) az yararlanılmış, suçun taksiminde Batı sistematiği esas alınmıştır. Günümüz Türk pozitif hukukunda “şerefe yönelik suçlar” içerisinde düzenlenen hakaret suçunun da bu sistematiği takip ettiği ve Osmanlı pozitif hukukundan etkilendiği görülmektedir. Çalışmada hakaret suçu, Türk hukuk tarihinde birbirinin ardılı olan klasik Hanefî fıkhı, Tanzimat Dönemi kanunları, bazı konularda eski Türk Ceza Kanunu ve günümüz Türk Ceza Kanunu üzerinden mukayeseli olarak ele alınmaya çalışılacaktır. (shrink)

E-ticaret, son yıllarda gelişen teknoloji ve tüketicilerin tercihleri sonucunda ticari hayatta gün geçtikçe daha fazla yer bulmaktadır. Bireylerin internet erişiminin kolaylaşması, interneti kullanım yoğunluğunun artması, sosyal medya erişimi ve kullanım sürelerinin artışı gibi dijitalleşmenin yaşanması e-ticaretin bir eko-sistem olarak karşımıza çıkmasını sağlamıştır. E-ticaret eko-sisteminde öne çıkan e-pazaryerleri, başta tüketici tabanlarını genişletmek, müşterilerinin bağlılığını arttırmak amacıyla ödeme sistemlerine önemli yatırımlar yapmaktadır. E-pazaryerlerinde sunulan e-cüzdan hizmetleri bunlardan biridir. Bünyesinde bulunan e-cüzdanlarda elektronik para mukabilinde para/puan sunan e-pazaryerleri, müşterilerine çekilişe katılma, kupon gibi avantajlar (...) sunmaktadır. Bu çalışmanın temel amacı Türkiye’de e-pazaryeri alanında öne çıkmış olan Trendyol Cüzdanım ve Hepsipay Cüzdanım uygulamaları başta olmak üzere çeşitli cüzdan hizmetleri sunan e-pazaryerlerinin bu uygulamalarını fıkhi açıdan değerlendirmektir. Bu amacı gerçekleştirmek üzere e-ticaret, e-pazaryeri ve e-cüzdanların kavramsal çerçevesi ortaya koyulmuş ve ardından e-pazaryerleri tarafından sunulan e-cüzdan hizmeti ve avantajlarının fıkhi mahiyeti incelenmiştir. (shrink)

Religion, as a phenomenon that is as old as humanity, has continued to exist in one way or another wherever humans exist. At the core of religion are the principles of faith consisting of divinity, belief in the afterlife and belief in prophethood. When we look at the History of Religions, in almost all religions, when religion first emerged, there was no need for any institution to maintain religious life in a healthy way, but in later periods, protecting religion against (...) attacks from outside, responding to new demands, 'socialization', which are important tasks in social life. The need for institutional organization has emerged for reasons such as being able to fulfill issues such as 'distributing justice' and 'managing religious rites' in a regular and orderly manner, meeting the need to resolve disputes between people through religious means, increasing its followers and encountering different cultures by spreading over wide geographies. All religions have established some institutions to meet these needs. In today's Turkey, in order to respond to the religious needs of the Muslim community and to ensure continuity in religious services without creating any institutional gaps, the Presidency of Religious Affairs, today known as the Presidency of Religious Affairs, was established within the budget of the Prime Ministry and affiliated to the Prime Ministry, with Law No. 429. The Presidency of Religious Affairs has been fulfilling its duties related to the principles of worship, morality and belief, which are the three basic components of the Islamic religion, in line with the objectives specified in the law, without interruption since the day it was established. In the history of Islamic thought, sects are evaluated in two categories: fiqh-practical and religious-political. Firstly, sects whose religious aspects came to the fore were formed. The beginning of the formation of sects such as Hanafi, Maliki, Shafi and Hanbali, which are called fiqh sects and talk about the rules and principles of worship and how to perform worship, coincides with the second century of Hijri and later periods. It is extremely important that religious officials who provide religious services to people of all ages and strata have a reasonable level of knowledge on theological issues as well as their knowledge of practical/fiqh sects. Religious officials, affiliated with DIB, provide multi-dimensional religious services in many different areas, especially mosques and Quran courses. In Turkish society, the most important source of information about religious issues for a large segment of the population is either the imam hatip or muezzin trustee in the neighborhood mosque, the Quran course instructor in the Quran course, or the preachers they reach through different channels such as 190 alo. In line with the information they receive, their religious perceptions are shaped and they continue their religious lives. In this study, it is aimed to reveal the basic views of religious sects and their knowledge levels of religious officials, who have a very important impact on shaping the religious lives of large masses of people. The study group of the research consists of religious officials working in the religious services class working under the Malatya provincial mufti between September 2020 and February 2021. The sample group of the research consists of 401 religious officials working as preachers, Quran course instructors, imam hatip and muezzin trustees under the Malatya provincial mufti's office. The method used in the research was simple random sampling, where each officer had an equal chance. The main purpose of simple random sampling is; The aim is to obtain more objective data by including each individual in the universe with an equal chance in the sample group. In the study, data was obtained with a two-part survey form prepared by the researcher by paying attention to all necessary stages. Both content analysis and descriptive analysis were used to analyze the data obtained. The data was collected by sending a survey link to the participants via Google form due to force majeure conditions arising from the pandemic. Additionally, official permissions were received from the Presidency of Religious Affairs. The collected data was transferred to the SPSS program and interpreted by subjecting it to various tests and was presented visually through tables. As a result of the study, the findings were interpreted by comparing them with similar and opposing studies, and at the end, some suggestions were given for both researchers and practitioners. At the end of the research, it was understood that the level of knowledge of the religious officials who participated in the research regarding the basic views of the theological sects, even if it was at an acceptable level for some sects, was generally not at the expected level and that they did not have sufficient bookish knowledge. (shrink)

Osmanlılar, İbnü’l-Arabî’nin (ö. 638/1240) düşüncelerine ve kitaplarına büyük ilgi göstermiştir. Osmanlı padişahları da, devletlerinin kuruluşunu İbnü’l-Arabî'ye nispet eden rivayetlere değer vermiş ve onun fikirlerini desteklemiştir. Osmanlı’da kurulan medreselerin başında olan kişilerin, ilk dönem şeyhülislam ve kadıların İbnü’l-Arabî'nin fikirlerini yayma çabaları dikkat çekmektedir. Bu durum, İbnü’l-Arabî'nin Osmanlı toplumunda nazarî tasavvuf ekolünün sembolü haline gelmesine neden olmuştur. Şam toplumu ise genelde Osmanlı ile karşılaşmadan önce İbnü’l-Arabî’ye ve eserlerine az ilgi göstermekteydi. Şam’ın Osmanlı yönetimine girmesinden sonra ise bölgede İbnü’l-Arabî’ye ilgi artmıştır. Osmanlı valileri (...) ve kadıların İbnü’l-Arabî'nin kabrini ziyaret etmeyi gelenek haline getirmeleriyle daha da belirgin hale gelmiştir. Halk arasında da İbnü’l-Arabî’nin velayetine inanılarak büyük bir hürmet görmüştür. Bu gelişmeler Şam’da İbnü’l-Arabî’nin fikirlerinin yayılmaması açısından önem arz etmekdedir. Osmanlı döneminde, özellikle on altıncı yüzyılda İbn Kemal Paşa'nın desteğiyle İbnü’l-Arabî'ye olan ilgi artmıştır. On yedinci yüzyılda da bu ilgi devam etmiştir. Abdulganî en-Nablusî, on sekizinci yüzyılda İbnü’l-Arabî ekolünün önde gelen ismi olmuştur. On dokuzuncu yüzyılda, Emir Abdülkâdir el-Cezâirî'nin çabalarıyla İbnü’l-Arabî ekolüne mensup sufi ve âlimler çoğalmıştır. Bu dönemde İbnü’l-Arabî'nin evrâdı ve şerhleri de önem kazanmıştır. Şam ulemasından birçok kişi, özellikle Bahâüddin b. Abdülganî el-Baytar ve Muhammed Emin b. Muhammed Süveyd gibi şahsiyetler, İbnü’l-Arabî'nin eserlerini düzenli bir şekilde okumuş ve öğrencilere okutmuştur. Şam'da İbnü’l-Arabî'ye olan ilgi ve saygı, genel tasavvufî çizgi içinde amelî tasavvufa ağırlık verilmesine rağmen, nazarî tasavvufa yönelik bir eğilim göstermiştir. Şam toplumunda tarih boyunca İbnü’l-Arabî'nin şahsiyeti özel bir konum kazanmıştır. Onun için Şeyhu’l-Ekber gibi lakapların yaygınlaşması bunun göstergesi olmuştur. Âlimler ve mutasavvıflar İbnü’l-Arabî'nin öğretilerine büyük değer vermiş, özellikle baş eseri Fusûs’a önemli şerhler yazılmıştır. İbnü’l-Arabî'ye yönelik eleştiriler ve tartışmalar da yaşanmıştır. Özellikle Fusûsu'l-Hikem kitabındaki görüşleri bazı âlimler tarafından eleştirilmiş ve hatta tekfir edilmiştir. Ancak Osmanlı Devleti'nin resmi tutumu, İbnü’l-Arabî'ye destek vermek ve eleştirilere karşı çıkmak şeklinde olmuştur. Zamanla, İbnü’l-Arabî'nin eserleri savunulmuş ve eleştirilere cevaplar verilmiştir. Osmanlı valileri, Şam'da İbnü’l-Arabî'nin görüşlerine saldıran kişileri soruşturmuş ve cezalandırmıştır. Ancak bu tutum, Osmanlı fakihleri arasında da eleştiri ve karşıt görüşlerin ortaya çıkmasına neden olmuştur. İbnü’l-Arabî'nin kabri Osmanlı döneminde sürekli olarak ziyaret edilmiş, bu ziyaretler cuma geceleri özel olarak artmıştır. Osmanlı devlet adamları şeyhler ve âlimler, Şam'a girişlerinde önce İbnü’l-Arabî'nin kabrini ziyaret etmişlerdir. Kabir ziyaretine olan bu ilgi, zaman içinde önemli şahsiyetlerin defnedilme arzusuna dönüşmüş, Osmanlı büyüğü olan birçok kişi İbnü’l-Arabî'nin kabri yakınında gömülmeyi tercih etmiştir. Osmanlı devlet adamları ve şeyhlerinin İbnü’l-Arabî'nin etrafında defnedilme çabaları, bu bölgenin Osmanlılar dönemindeki etkisini göstermektedir. Osmanlı döneminde Şam'da İbnü’l-Arabî'nin öğretileri önemli ölçüde ilgi görmüş, devlet adamları, âlimler ve sûfîler tarafından benimsenmiştir. Osmanlılar, İbnü’l-Arabî'nin mirasını koruma ve destekleme amacıyla çeşitli önlemler almıştır. Ancak bu ilgi genellikle belirli gruplar arasında kalmış ve geniş kitlelere ulaşmamıştır. Tarikatlar genellikle İbnü’l-Arabî'nin vahdet-i vücûd anlayışına ilgi göstermiştir. Şam’da İbnü’l-Arabî'nin fikirleri zaman zaman eleştirilmiş ve savunulmuştur. (shrink)

Makalede, Osmanlı bilgini Şemseddin Ahmed b. Musâ el-Ḫayâlî’nin düşüncesi bağlamında değerin imkânı ve fiillere değer yüklemenin kaynağı sorununun incelenmesi amaçlanmıştır. Mu‘tezile ve Eş‘arîler karşısında Hanefî-Mâtürîdî gelenekte değer konusuna yaklaşımın ne olduğu sorusu Hayâlî’nin görüşlerine referansla ele alınmıştır. Hayâlî, kendi düşüncesini, hocası Hızır Bey’in el-Ḳaṣîdetü’n-nûniyye adlı kasidesine yazdığı şerhte ortaya koymuştur. Özellikle bu kasidenin “iyilik ve kötülük şer‘îdir ama/ biz bunların akılla bilinebileceğini söylüyoruz” dizelerinin yorumunda hüsun ve kubuh meselesini incelemiştir. Onun düşüncelerinin analiz edilmesi ve yorumlanmasında Muhammed Ömer b. eş-Şeyh (...) Abdi’l-Celîl b. eş-Şeyh Abdi’l-Cemîl el-Bağdâdî el-Hanefî’nin Ḥavâşî’l-Futûḥiyye li-Şerḥi’n-Nûniyye ve Mehmet Emin Üsküdârî’nin Ḥâşiye ʿalâ Şerḥi Hayâlî ‘ale’l-Ḳaṣîdeti’n-nûniyye adlı eserinden yararlanılmıştır. Eş‘arîler, insan için değer bilgisinin mümkün olmadığını iddia ederek, iyi ve kötü hakkındaki bilgimizin kaynağının din olduğunu kabul etmişlerdir. Mu‘tezilî düşünürler ise iyi ve kötüyü fiillerin zatına ya da fiillerin zatında bulunan sıfatlarla ilişkilendirmişlerdir. Cübbâîler gibi bazı Mu‘tezilî düşünürler, fiillerin yapıldığı bağlamın ve şartların da değer atfetmede önemli olduğunu ifade etmişlerdir. Değer konusunda, Buharalı Hanefî âlimler Eş‘arî değer anlayışına yakın dururken, Mâtürîdîler Mu‘tezilî fikirlere yakın durmuşlardır. Mâtürîdîler, dinin iyi ve kötü hakkında bilgi verdiğini kabul etmekle birlikte bazı şeylerin değerinin akılla bilinebileceğini iddia etmişlerdir. Çalışmamızda, Hayâlî’nin temel yaklaşımının Mâtürîdîlerin değer anlayışından yana olduğu gösterilmiştir. Fiillere yüklenen iyi ve kötünün anlamları konusunda Mu‘tezile ve Mâtürîdîler arasındaki benzerliklere dikkat çekilmiştir. İyi ve kötünün üç anlamının olduğu açıklanmıştır. İlk olarak iyilik, bir insanın fiilinin bu dünyada övülmesi ve ahirette ödüllendirilmesi anlamına gelir. Kötülük, bu dünyada yerilmeyi ve ahirette cezalandırılmayı ifade eder. İkinci olarak, iyi, amaca uygun olandır ve kötü ise amaca uygun olmayandır. Bu, aynı zamanda, iyinin yararlı olan ve kötünün de zararlı olan olduğu anlamına gelmektedir. Üçüncü olarak iyi, bir yetkinlik sıfatıdır ve kötü de bir eksiklik sıfatıdır. Örneğin bilgi, insanı yetkinleştirdiği için iyidir. Bilgisizlik, insanı eksik ve düşük bir durumda bıraktığı için kötüdür. Mu‘tezile’ye göre her şeyin iyilik ve kötülüğü akılla bilinirken, Mâtürîdîlere göre bazı şeylerin iyilik ve kötülüğü akılla idrak edilebilir. Bu bağlamda Mu‘tezilî ve Mâtürîdî düşünürler, sorumluluğu gerektiren değer bilgisinin kaynağının din olduğunu kabul eden Eş‘arîlerin argümanlarını eleştirmişlerdir. Makalede, ayrıca, tek bir cümlede doğruluk ve yanlışlığın birleşmesiyle ortaya çıkan yalancı paradoksu ile değerin kaynağı arasında kurulan ilişki ele alınmıştır. Yalancı paradoksunun bir çözümünün olduğuna inanan Hayâlî, bu çözüm üzerinden, Mâtürîdî değer anlayışının haklı gösterilebileceğini ifade etmiştir. (shrink)

Günümüze kadar süregelen bir mezhep olarak Zeydiliğin Yemen bölgesinde geçirdiği süreçlerden birisi de 16. yy.’da imametini ilan eden Mansûr-Billâh Kâsım b. Muhammed ile başlayan ve Cumhuriyetin ilanına kadar iktidarın soyundan gelenlerin devam ettirdiği dönem bulunmaktadır. Ancak Kâsımîler dönemi olarak bilinen bu sürece dair literatürde yeterli bilgi bulunmamaktadır. Mansûr-Billâh Kâsım b. Muhammed’in akaid, fıkıh, usul gibi alanlarda kıymetli eserlerinin yanı sıra kaleme aldığı ufak bir risalesi de bulunmaktadır. Bu çalışmada ise Kâsımî Hanedanlığının kurucusu olarak bilinen Mansûr-Billâh Kâsım b. (...) class='Hi'>Muhammed’in oğlu Müeyyed-Billâh Muhammed b. Kâsım için kaleme aldığı vasiyet metninin literatüre kazandırılması amaçlanmaktadır. (shrink)

Since the beginning of human history, there has been no society that did not have any religion. Man meets his need to believe, encoded in his nature by turning to God. God has not left humans alone in their journey on earth, and from time to time, He has intervened in the world through his prophets. The prophethood, which constitutes one of the main subjects of theology, is an important institution in God-human communication. The messengers chosen by God convey to (...) people the information that they received through revelation and offer teachings that will bring them to salvation. The idea of salvation by God when suffering or feeling helpless has driven people to the expectation of a savior. Nearly all religions except Shintoism have the awaited savior belief in the world. Accordingly, the savior will emerge in an environment of chaos where disasters are experienced, and a moral collapse is observed. The expected savior will drive people away from this turmoil, bring them happiness, well-being, and lead them to salvation. Although there is a savior belief in Judaism and Christianity, Muslims claim that the awaited savior in these religions is Muhammad. Muslim thinkers who believe that Muhammad was heralded in previous scripts, tried to find evidence on the subject from the Bible. One of the Islamic scholars who did researches for this purpose is Shamsuddin al-Samarqandi. Shamsuddin Mohammed b. Ashraf al-Husayni al-Samarqandi is an important Turkish-Islamic scholar who lived in Turkestan at the end of the 7th century and the first quarter of the 8th century. Samarqandi is a versatile scholar who produced important works in various fields such as philosophy, logic, mathematics, discussion, debate and astronomy. Shamsuddin al-Samarqandi is one of the eminent scholars who have written his name in the history of science and philosophy with his works. He adopted a critical and analytical style in almost every field, putting the science of logic at the center of his system. His constructive criticisms had an important function in understanding and interpreting the ideas of numerous thinkers, from Greek philosophers to Islamic philosophers and representatives of philosophical theology. In addition to all these, Samarqandi did not hesitate to criticize the Christian and Jewish belief systems, religions such as Sanawiyyah and Zoroastrianism, and the teachings of the naturalist philosophers regarding the relationship between God and the world in the light of rational and scriptural evidence. Samarqandi, who distinguished himself in rational sciences, also showed himself with his background in theology. Due to his exceptional intellectual interest, he analyzes some key concepts and divine codes related to the Bible, making original inferences about the loyalty of Muhammad, the prophet of Islam. Samarqandi interprets some passages of the Torah and the New Testament, which he considers as signs of Muhammad's prophethood, in the axis of language, logic and the rules of shariah, and concludes that Muhammad is the last prophet to be announced. The conceptual framework that he mostly focuses on in this regard contains Mount Paran, Paraklite, comparison with Moses, and the good news given to the Ishmaelites. Samarqandi makes inferences about the environment in which Muhammad appeared, his qualities, and his lineage, based on the aforementioned concepts. Samarqandi also responds to the criticisms raised by the Ahl al-Kitab about the principles, such as the abolition of other religious rules constituting the basis of Muhammad's legitimacy and establishment of Islam instead, and him being a universal prophet. An important privilege of Samarqandi is that he not only grounds his claims on a theoretical scale but also engages in debates with the leaders of the Ahl al-Kitab. Although Samarqandi exhibits a satisfactory analytical attitude in most of his claims, he displays a sophisticated approach based on the method of coercion (ilzām) in some of his claims. Although he adheres to the tradition of beshair al-nubuwwah in general, he gives a different perspective and strong reasoning to the same evidence within the tradition with the effect of his identity as a verifier (muhaqqik). (shrink)

Bu çalışmada Türkiye’de ḳırâât tedrisatında istifade edilen mesleklerden biri olan ʿAṭâʾullâh mesleğine ait tercihlerin mahiyeti, Muḥammed ʿÂrif el-Ḥıfẓî’nin Muġni’l-ḳurrâʾ fî şerḥi Muḫtâri’l-iḳrâʾ adlı eseri özelinde ve el-ʿaşru’s-suğrâ programının sınırları içerisinde ortaya konulmuştur. Osmanlı coğrafyasında teşekkül eden ve Anadolu’ya özgü olan ḳırâât meslekleri, ḳırâât tedrisatında günümüze kadar varlığını sürdüregelmiştir. Bu meslekler, taḥrîrât ekolü mesabesinde olmasına rağmen Anadolu toprakları dışında neredeyse bilinmeyen, tanınmayan ve kendisine ḳırâât eğitim-öğretiminde yer verilmeyen bir terminoloji olarak günümüze kadar gelmiştir. Mamafih, söz konusu mesleklerden biri olan ʿAṭâʾullâh mesleğinden (...) ḳırâât tedrisatında günümüze değin yararlanılmasına rağmen bununla ilgili yeteri düzeyde akademik çalışmanın yapılmadığı müşahede edilmiştir. Nitekim ʿAṭâʾullâh mesleğiyle alakalı iki çalışma tespit edilebilmiştir. Bunlardan biri doktora diğeri ise yüksek lisans tez araştırmalarıdır. Bunun dışında mesleklere genel olarak temas edilen ve “Kırâat Eğitiminin Dünü, Bugünü, Yarını ve Kırâat Eğitiminde Meslekler” adıyla kitap bölümü olarak basılan bir çalışma ve mesleklere bir bölüm ayrılan Kıraat İlmi Eğitim ve Öğretim Metotları adlı araştırmalar da mevcuttur. Bahsedilen bu ilmi faaliyetlerden Ahmed er-Rüşdî ve Mürşidü’t-Talebe Adlı Eserinin Kıraat İlmindeki Yeri adlı eser dışında, meslek tercihlerinin mahiyetinin ortaya konduğu bir çalışmaya rastlanmamıştır. Ancak söz konusu çalışma, ekseriyetle Ataullah mesleğinin el-ʿaşru’l-kubrâ öğretiminde temel kaynak olarak kabul edilen Murşidu’ṭ-Ṭalebe’ye, bu eserin münderecatındaki vecîh ve tercihlerin tahliline yönelik olarak ele alınmıştır. Dolayısıyla açıklamaya çalıştığımız mevcut boşluğu doldurması beklenen bu çalışmada ise aşere/el-ʿaşru’s-suğrâ öğretiminde ʿAṭâʾullâh mesleği için temel kaynak olarak kabul edilen Muġni’l-ḳurrâʾda geçen vecîhler ele alınmış ve bunlara ait tercihlerin mahiyeti, uṣûl ve ferşu’l-ḥurûfla alakalı örnekler eşliğinde ortaya konulmuştur. Bu bağlamda çalışmanın temel amacı, ʿAṭâʾullâh mesleğiyle ilgili tercihlerin arka planının Muḥammed ʿÂrif el-Ḥıfẓî’nin Muġni’l-ḳurrâʾ fî şerḥi Muḫtâri’l-iḳrâʾ adlı eseri özelinde izah edilmesidir. Nitekim mezkûr mesleğe ait tercihlerin keyfiyeti, el-ʿaşru’ṣ-ṣuġrâ müfredatının temel kaynakları olan et-Teysîr fi’l-ḳırââti’s-sebʿ ile Ḥirzu’l-emânî ve vechu’t-tehânî fi’l-ḳırââti’s-sebʿ adlı eserler ışığı altında açıklığa kavuşturulmaya çalışılmıştır. Bu eserlere ek olarak ḳırâât alan yazınının temel eserlerinden de istifade yoluna gidilerek ʿAṭâʾullâh mesleğine ait tercihlerin ilgili eserlerdeki yeri ve bu tercihlerin sebepleri izah edilmiştir. Bu bağlamda Muġni’l-Ḳurrâʾ özelinde verilen örneklerin hepsinde mervî vecîhlerin tamamının ʿAṭâʾullâh mesleğinde tercih edildiği tespit edilmiş; fakat bunlardan -son örnek hariç olmak üzere- Şâṭıbî’nin kendi usulüne muhalefet ettiği ifade edilen vecîhlerin ise son örnek dışında muaḫḫar vecîh olarak zikredildiği görülmüştür. Ne var ki çalışmada yer verilen son örnekte ise ṭarîḳ muhalefeti söz konusu olmasına rağmen muḫâṭab vechinin ġāib vechine muḳaddem olarak tercih edildiği müşahede edilmiştir. Bununla birlikte ilgili örneklerde Îtilâf, Mutḳin ve Ṣûfî meslekleri tarafından icra edilen vecîhlerin genellikle birbirine mutabık olduğu ve onların bu vecîhlerde ʿAṭâʾullâh mesleğinden ayrıştıkları belirlenmiştir. (shrink)

Despite the hadiths and narratives that warn about the interpretation of the Qur’ān by opinion, the question of how Qur’ānic verses can be understood is about the nature of Qur’ānic exegesis. These narratives, which limit the interpretation to the exact field and indicate the invalidity of the specification of the intention with the imprecise information, bring with it the question of how to understand the Qur’ān in each period and society. The issue that has been questioned in the frame of (...) the commentary from the earliest periods is based on the possibility of commenting besides the narration and defining the area that the thought belongs to the commentator. In this context, it is seen that the distinction between the conceptualization of tafsīr-taʾwīl words in classical commentary literature deals with the subject of the tafsīr, their belongings, epistemological values and contexts. Mainly, this study will question whether authors who do not distinguish between tafsīr-taʾwīl categorize the information about commentary in a different context, then it will analyze two basic approaches on tafsīr and taʾwīl. In the paper, it will be suggested that these classifications in the classical literature should be evaluated together within the framework of the search for methodology in exegesis. Summary: The Prophet, who was the first glossator of the Qur’ān, forbade people to talk about the Qur’ān with their own judgments. The prominent people of the companions refused to comment on some words that were closed in meaning (garīb). The words quoted from Abū Bakr and ʿUmar on this subject are quite famous. However, the Qur’ān is a universal book revealed to be understood in all ages and geographies till the doomsday. The fact that all the verses were not interpreted by the Prophet, and the expansions of meaning observed in the Qur’ān wording necessitate the interpretation of the Qur’ān. The fact that the Prophet forbade people to talk with their own judgments about the Qur’ān and the necessity of understanding the Qur’ān in every era constitutes a dilemma that must be explained. The resolution of this issue will both determine the legitimacy of tafsīr (interpretation) and reveal the difference between the Prophet's tafsīr and the tafsīrs by other people. In this context, a distinction was made between the interpretations of the Prophet and of the companions who witnessed the revelation period from the Tabarī (d. 310/923) in the classical tafsīr literature and the interpretations by glossators in terms of their bindingness and information values. Thus, before even starting the interpretation, glossators questioned the possibility of interpretation of the Qur’ān without the tafsīr of the Prophet and the narratives from the companions that have the force of hadith marfūʿ.It is seen in classical tafsīr literature that distinctions between the tafsīr of the Prophet and the interpretations of the glossator are usually constructed on the terms of tafsīr and ta'wil, to which terminological meanings are attributed. In this regard, the methodology of Māturīdī (d. 333/944) is quite specific and clear. According to Māturīdī, tafsīr is an exact field. Only the tafsīr of the Prophet and the narratives of the companions that have the force of marfūʿ can be included in this field. Taʾwīl, on the other hand, is an area based on supposing. Preferences to be made from possible meanings are supposition and related to taʾwīl. The fact that Māturīdī included the explanations of the Prophet and his companions in the tafsīr field and stated that they expressed exact information shows that he regarded this information in the value of the statement of mutakallim. The data included in the field of taʾwīl are not as the data included in the field of tafsīr in terms of their bindingness and information value. The interpretations made in the field of taʾwīl include supposition; so they cannot be attributed to the desire of God. The field that the Prophet forbade people from declaring their own views is the field of tafsīr in the methodology of Māturīdī. The exactness of this field is an indication that the tafsīr is related to God's desire. It is not right to declare an opinion with supposition in the field that is exact and definite. Even though the interpretation in the field of tafsīr is in accordance with the truth, this cannot eliminate the responsibility of the interpreter that make determinations based on supposition in the exact and definite field. Some scholars, such as Qushayrī (d. 465/1072), also classify the narrative-sagacity areas by means of tafsīr-taʾwīl concepts. This classification deals with the data that is the subject of tafsīr in terms of their belongingness. Indeed, tafsīr science includes both the data that are linked with transmission and non-transmittable elements that can be achieved by following a methodology. Non-transmittable elements included in the taʾwīl field by those who make a distinction between tafsīr and taʾwīl based on narrative-sagacity are the meanings reached through linguistic efforts. Language is an element that holds possibilities in itself. Considering closeness of meaning, multi-meanings, metaphors and allusions in the wording, it can be thought that the meanings reached by linguistic methods include supposition. In the methodology of Māturīdī, the field of tafsīr is composed of the explanations of the Prophet and the narratives of the companions who witnessed the revelations while in the classifications of those who make a distinction between tafsīr and taʾwīl based on narrative-sagacity, tafsīr generally includes narratives. When the issue is handled within the framework of the desire of God and the statements of the mutakallim, it seems that the classification of Māturīdī is more punctual. However, it is understood that this approach does not give a satisfactory answer to the subsequent situations and bindingness of the mentioned data. In the classifications based on narrative-sagacity, the narratives in the field of tafsīr are taken as a whole without analyzing their health grades and their signification. However, some of these narrations are not authentic; so, in this respect it is a problematic issue that they are the subjects of the field of tafsīr. Besides, sometimes there can be different narrations about the tafsīr of verses from the companions. The evaluation these narratives in a field attributed to the desire of God may also pose a problem. The linguistic data that both Māturīdī and those who make a distinction between tafsīr and taʾwīl based on narrative-sagacity include in the field of taʾwīl does not appear to have a homogeneous structure -as is the case with the narratives-. Indeed, among this data, there are elements whose meanings are quite hard to determine as well as firm ones that possibly have only one meaning. It is controversial that these expressions, which have only one meaning and to the validity of whose meaning other evidence point out are included in the field of taʾwīl.The distinction between meaning and interpretation fields in tafsīr is very important in terms of tafsīr methodology. This field designation is in a way a description of nature of the science of tafsīr. Thus, in matters where the human intelligence remains insufficient with the tafsīr narratives from the Prophet, the bindingness of the narratives from the companions are clarified; furthermore, beyond the narrative, the validity and the information values of interpretations of the glossator are determined. In this regard, the tafsīr-taʾwīl distinctions made in the classical tafsīr literature provide us with a rich content and a multifaceted point of view. However, when addressed separately, these distinctions present a number of problems in terms of scope and applicability. Our study proposes the evaluation of tafsīr-taʾwīl distinctions in classical literature together while the meaning-interpretation fields are specified in the framework of the search for methodology in tafsīr. Thus, the incomplete aspects of the classification will be eliminated and a much more comprehensive and functional classification will be achieved. At this point, the methodologies of some figures as Tabarī, who is known to have used the terms of tafsīr and taʾwīl in the same meaning, must also be evaluated separately. Indeed, when the works of these names are analyzed, it is seen that these names also distinguish the meaning-interpretation fields in tafsīr, but they do not do this through the tafsīr-taʾwīl concepts. (shrink)

There is a common understanding among logicians today that nonmonotonic types of reasoning, such as defeasible or presumptive, can clearly warrant a rational acceptance of its conclusion. Recognition of the significance and legitimacy of these forms of arguments, which were considered for long as fallacious, is believed to be very recent and many logicians tended to reject any discussions around it within the tradition of logic after Aristotle. In contrast, Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh), since medieval age, has recognised the validity and (...) importance of non-deductive forms of reasoning, analysed the structures of such arguments and demonstrated how the conventionally understood fallacies are not essentially fallacies. Qiyās – generally represents analogical reasoning – is taken here as a case of defeasible reasoning in Islamic argumentation. This paper will show through works of two emblematic medieval Muslim jurist-logicians, al-Juwainī and al-Ghazzālī, that understanding the legitimacy and the structure of non-deductive forms of arguments is at the core of Islamic legal theories (usūl al-fiqh), and that they recognised its legitimacy and proposed a dialectical method (jadal) of approaching it. Les logiciens comprennent généralement que les types de raisonnement non monotones peuvent justifier l’acceptation rationnelle des conclusions. L’importance et la légitimité de ces formes d’arguments, qui ont longtemps été considérées comme fallacieuses, ont été controversées parmi les logiciens de la tradition logique aristotélicienne. En revanche, la jurisprudence islamique (fiqh) a depuis longtemps reconnu l’importance des formes de raisonnement non déductives et a démontré que les sophismes conventionnellement compris ne sont pas essentiellement des sophismes. Le qiyās – qui représente généralement le raisonnement analogique – est un exemple de raisonnement réfutable dans l’argumentation islamique. Je montre à travers les travaux de deux juristes-logiciens musulmans médiévaux emblématiques, al-Juwainī et al-Ghazzālī, que la compréhension de la légitimité des formes d’arguments non déductives est au cœur des théories juridiques islamiques (usūl al-fiqh), qui ont proposé une méthode d’approche dialectique (jadal). (shrink)

Organizational cronyism refers to favoring some employees within an organization based on non-performance-related factors. Although it is highly likely to encounter many attitudes and behaviors meeting this description within public and private institutions, there are limited studies on this issue. Thus, the purpose of this study is to develop a valid and reliable scale to assess the perception of cronyism among organizational members. To this end, an item pool was formed based on current literature as well the views of teachers (...) and expert recommendations. The validity–reliability of the scale was tested via two sample groups. As a result of the study, a scale with 3 dimensions and 15 items as well as psychometric qualities was developed to assess employee perceptions of cronyism. The scale dimensions comprise: in-group bias, paternal cronyism, and reciprocal exchange of favor in accordance with the way the method was addressed in the literature. The analyses of nomological validity of the scale showed that perception of cronyism is an important predictor of trust in managers. (shrink)

al-Zarkashī, an ethnic Turk, is an important hadith, fiqh and commentary scholar who lived during the Mamlūks period. He was taught by some of the leading scholars of his era, such as Alā al-Dīn Mughultay (d. 762/1360), Imād al-Dīn Ibn Kashīr (d. 774/1372) ve Jamal al-Dīn al-Asnawī (d. 772/1370), and he grew up under their mentorship. Nevertheless, his only well-known student is Birmāvī (d. 831/1428). Almost half of his works have been related to fiqh and methodology of fiqh, and he (...) has also written some important works in the field of hadith. Among these, especially al-Tadhkira, al-Nukat alā Ibn al-Salāh, al-Nukat alā al-Umda fī al-Ahkām ve al-Icāba are worthy of mention. The work named al-Tadhkira, which we built our work upon, is the first known work to have been preserved in the field. Due to his being a first in his field, he was vastly studied as to how he evaluated the narrations and what kind of procedure he followed. In this work of his, not only the criticism but also the application of the text criticism adds to the importance of the work. Then, on the basis of this work, scholars such as al-Sakhāwī and al-Aclūnī made complementary works on the same subject. Summary: It is inevitable for a person to be shaped by the society he lives in. During the time when al-Zarkashī lived, Egypt was under the rule of the Mamlūks. The history of Mamlūks is examined under two periods: 1. Bahrī or Turkish Mamlūks (745 / 1344 - 794-1391) 2. Burjī or Circassian Mamlūks (784 / 1382 - 923 / 1517) period. Our author lives in both periods. About forty years of his life was in the period of Bahrī and the rest was in the period of Burjī. In both periods, the state did not have a full political authority in the country, but this was not the case in education and training. In fact, on the contrary to the political situation, scientific activities have accelerated by the arrival of many scholars to the land of Mamlūk because of the Mongol invasions coming from the east and the Crusades from the west. The increase of scientific activity was caused not only by the coming of the scholars but also by the support given by the Mamlūk sultans. In fact, they built many new madrasas in addition to the resurrection of the old ones. In addition to madrasas during the Mamlūks period, mosque, hāngāh, ribat and zāwiya are also among the educational places.Hadith, fiqh and Tafsir scholar al-Zarkashī is originally Turkish. He was born in Cairo at 745 under the conditions mentioned above. His family learned of gold and silverworking because of their subsequent settlement to Egypt, and they made their living with this craft. A person who performs this is called Zarkash in Arabic. Muhammad ibn Bahādır, who learned and did this job, was known as al-Zarkashī. al-Zarkashī, known for his love of science since childhood, was trained hadith by Alā al-Dīn Mughultay (d. 762/1360) and Imād al-Dīn Ibn Kashīr (d. 774/1372) in Damascus, and fiqh by al-Asnawī (d. 772/1370). Among his beneficiaries are distinguished personalities such as al-Subkī (d. 756/1355), al-Azraī (d. 783/1381) and al-Bulqīnī (d. 824/1421). The most remarkable of his student is al-Birmāvī (d. 831/1428).It is known that he wrote about fifty works in hadith, tafsir, fiqh, methodology of fiqh and other fields. Especially among these works al-Burhān fī ʻUlūm al-Qur’ān, al-Tadhkira, al-Ijāba, al-Bahr al-Muhīt fî Usūl al-Fiqh ve al-Mansūr fī al-Qawāid is worth mentioning. Studies on al-Burhān and al-Bahr were carried out at the level of Master and PhD.al-Zarkashī did not hesitate to criticize any person for whom he had found his mistake. For example, even though he has a great love for him, and even because of this love, he has been given the name of al-Minhāj, the criticism of al-Nawawī is the clearest indication of the value given to science. Not just him, critics of scholars such as al-Hākim al-Naysābūrī and Ibn ʻAbd al-Barr who are recognized as authority in hadith can also be considered in this framework.The work named al-Tadhkira which we have studied in our work is of importance in that it shows the accumulation of knowledge in the field of hadith. In order to compose this work, it is necessary to have enough information in this field since the riwāyas must be criticized in terms of isnād and text. To compose his work, al-Zarkashī has benefited from about a hundred and forty works related to hadith, tafsir, al-siyar, history, tabakāt, commentary, jarh - taʻdīl, ilal and maghāzī. The use of such works is an effort to reach all sources and right information as much as possible. Some of these sources are basic hadith books such as al-Bukhārī (d. 256/870) al-Sahīh, Muslim (d. 261/875) al- Sahīh, Abū Dāʾūd (d. 275/889) al-Sunan, al-Tirmidhī (d. 279/892) al-Sunan, al-Nasā’ī (d. 303/915) al-Sunan, Ibn Mādja (d. 273/887) al-Sunan, Mālik ibn Anas (d. 179/795) al-Muwatta, Ahmad ibn Hanbal (d. 241/855) al-Musnad, al-Dārimī (d. 255/869) al-Sunan, ʻAbd al-Razzāq al-Sanʻānī (d. 211/826-27) al-Musannaf, Ibn Abī Shayba (d. 235/849) al-Musannaf, Ibn Rāhwayh (d. 238/853) al-Musnad, al- Bazzār (d. 292/905) al-Musnad, Abu Yaʻlā el-Mawsilī (d. 307/919) al-Musnad, Ibn Hibbān (d. 354/965) al-Sahīh, al-Tabarānī (d. 360/971) al-Muʻjam al-Awsat and al-Muʻjam al-Kabīr, al-Hākim al-Naysābūrī (d. 405/1014) al-Mustadrak.al-Zarkashī divided the riwāyas he had studied into eight subjects. These are judgments, wisdom, zuhd, medicine, virtue, prayer, story, words and riwāyas circulating in language. He shares the information he obtains from sources about him after mentioning the riwāyas he will examine. For example, it is mentioned that there is not a hadith which is transmitted as a hadith, it is a word of a sahāba, tābiun or a person. He transferred on the riwāyas the sources mentioned in the sources, but also stated that he did not participate in some information as the place came.The author has evaluated the narrators of the riwāyas from the point of jarh and taʻdīl. He did not only evaluate riwāyas in terms of isnād, but also text criticism. This activity is a distinctive feature of his work.al-Zarkashī gave information about the misrepresentation of the name of the narrators. He also explained the strange words that are difficult to understand in the text. It is a manifestation of his knowledge in the fiqh area that some of the riwāyas that are considered weak are expressed in some sects. The author described some errors about the riwāyas. For example, he stated that a riwāya that is said to be marfūʻ is a mavkūf. al-Zarkashī also included verses, hadiths and poems about the riwāya that he had studied while writing his work or he defended it by saying that it is not the case of a riwāya that is said to be fictitious.Perhaps it is the weakest point of al-Zarkashī’s work not to give any information about some riwāya, only to mention their isnāds. He also found some riwāyas that did not have a reliable isnāds and stated that their meanings are correct. This knowledge has become an enlightening characteristic for later generations.This work has a great significance in showing that the majority of the riwāyas that spread among the people are not hadiths. As a matter of fact, 73% of the riwāyas examined in the work are weak or irrelevant riwāyas. This work of al-Zarkashī is unique. The existence of such a work has not been determined before him. This work constituted the basis of the works written by scholars such as al-Sakhāwī and al-Aclūnī in the same subject after him. (shrink)

This paper presents a comprehensive Tag set as a fundamental component for developing an automated Word Class/part-of-speech (PoS) tagging system for the Arabic language. The aim is to develop a standard and comprehensive PoS tag set that based upon PoS classes and Arabic inflectional morphology useful for Linguistics and Natural Language Processing (NLP) developers to extract more linguistic information from it. The tag names in the developed tag set uses terminology from Arabic tradition grammar rather than English grammar. The usability (...) of the presented Tag set has been tested in manual tagging and built up a set of tagged text to serve as a goal corpus used to compare it with the results obtained from the tagger. The tagger has achieved an average accuracy of 90% using the developed detailed tag set. (shrink)

The Abrahamic tradition that the Arabs value most was ḥajj. The ḥajj, which means to visit Kaʿba was the greatest means of getting closer to Allāh. The Kaʿba was the house of Allāh. And the visitors of the Kaʿba were Allāh’s guests. For this reason, the Arabs used to great respect to the visitors and they never used to attack a man in the ḥarem (the area around the Kaʿba). The same respect included visitors’ travels to the Kaʿba. There were (...) two Abrahamic traditions that ensured the safety of visitors and sacrifices: Ḥaram months and qalāid. Ḥaram months were Dhū l-Qaʿdah, Dhū l-Ḥijjah, Muḥarram and Rajab. And the Arabs did not used to attack anyone in those months. For visits outside the ḥaram months, the visitors used to use the qalāid as a primitive visa. Qalāid is the plural of the word qilāda, meaning necklace. The Arab, who saw the qilādas, used to understand that the person who wore the qilāda wanted to go to the Kaʿba or had returned home from the Kaʿba. Qilādas used to be knitted from wool ropes and they used to be hung on animals’ neck or humps. Sometimes horseshoes used to hang on these qilādas. On the way back from Kaʿba, the barks of the ḥarem trees used to hang on the qilādas instead of the horseshoes. The Qurʾān orders Muslims not to disrespect the qilādas. This order also reveals that the Qurʾān recognizes the qilāda tradition. Allāh’s Apostle (sallallaahu ‘alayhi wa sallam) and Ṣaḥāba are also known to continue this tradition.Summary: Ḥajj was the most important worship of the Arabs in the pre-Islamic period. Human and commodity mobility in the ḥajj had an important place in the life of the Meccans who lived in land unfit for agriculture. This fact is expressed as follows in Abraham’s (Ibrāhīm al-Khalīl) prayer: “Our Lord! Lo! I have settled some of my posterity in an uncultivable valley near unto Thy holy House, our Lord! That they may establish proper worship; so incline some hearts of men that they may yearn toward them, and provide Thou them with fruits in order that they may be thankful.” (Ibrahim 14:37) The Arabs who lived in various parts of the Arabian Peninsula used to come to Mecca during the ḥajj season and present their sacrifices. They also used to buy their needs from nearby markets. These markets were also places where traders had the opportunity to sell their products.Because the Arabian Peninsula is unfavorable in terms of climate and soil, many Arab tribes used to raid and attack other tribes to sustain their existence. It is even known that some Arabs proud of their raids. The attacks only used to stop in the ḥaram months (Dhū l-Qaʿdah, Dhū l-Ḥijjah, Muḥarram and Rajab). Because of the prohibition of fighting in the ḥaram months, the visitors used to visit the Kaʿba with confidence. Thanks to this truce, the trade goods carried by visitors used to reach to Mecca with confidence.It was possible that the visits outside of the ḥaram months were safe. However, it was necessary to follow some traditions in order to achieve this confidence. Visitors to the Kaʿba used to use some signs that they were visitors to the Kaʿba. One of these signs was qilāda (necklace) hanging on the neck or hump of the animal. The person wearing qilāda was Allāh’s guest, and his sacrifice was the property of Allāh. For this reason, no Arab would to dare to attack these visitors and property. Because of the Arab reverence for the Kaʿba, visitors wearing qilādas used to come to the Kaʿba and present their sacrifices throughout the year. The sacrifices had an important place in the livelihood of the poor.Qilādas were mostly used for visits outside the ḥaram months. The qilādas used to hang on the necks of the animals shipped to the Kaʿba as sacrifice. However, it is also known that qilādas are sometimes hung on hump. People who did not deliver sacrifices (animals) to the Kaʿba used to hang the qilāda his neck to show that he was a visitor to the Kaʿba. Similarly, it is known that people who sacrificed their animals on the Kaʿba hang the qilāda their neck on the way back. The qilādas fitted on the way to the Kaʿba were made of ropes spun from wool or hair. Sometimes horseshoes used to hang on these qilādas. Ḥarem plants (grass, tree bark) used to use in the qilādas on the way back.The Qurʾān orders Muslims not to disrespect the qilādas. This order also reveals that the Qurʾān recognizes the qilāda tradition. The word qalāid is mentioned twice in the Qurʾān: “O ye who believe violate not the sanctity of the symbols of Allāh, nor of the sacred month, nor of the animals brought for sacrifice, nor the qalāid, nor the people resorting to the sacred house, seeking of the Bounty and good pleasure of their Lord.” (Al Māʼidah 5:2), “Allāh made the Kaʿba, the sacred house, an asylum of security of men as also the sacred months, the animals for offerings, and the qalāid.” (Al Māʼidah 5:97) Considering the practices of the qilāda, it is understood that qilādas are a kind of visa. It is understood that all practices related to the visit to the Kaʿba, especially the ḥajj, have an aim to satisfy the material-spiritual needs of those who come there for the purpose of visiting and trading, as well as those who reside in the Kaʿba. Therefore, it will not be far away to say that qilādas can be used today for the same purpose. For example, labels, banderols, visas and passports can be used instead of ropes, horseshoes and plants. On the other hand, the meaning of the āyāt (verse) in which the word qalāid is mentioned is not limited to the Arabs. The same āyāt declare that qilādas are a development (qiyām) instrument for people. Therefore, the qilāda has a meaning potential beyond the 7th century and the inhabitants of this century. (shrink)

This study explores the turning points in the historical development of Qur’ānic exegesis, from its very beginning to the period of annotations and super-commentaries (al-shurūḥ wa-l-ḥawāshī) from the 6th/12th century onwards, using comparative analysis and descriptive content methods, focusing on subfields like the “Nīshāpūr circle,” the “al-Kashshāf tradition,” and “al-Shurūḥ wa-l-Ḥāwāshī” literatu re. To better understand the formation and transformation of classical tafsīr, however, it is essential to move beyond this simplistic view and trace the transformative paradigms. This study proposes (...) an attempt at such a tracing process, which further and more specific studies should enrich. One of the key transformation points identified in this study is the contribution of al-Ṭabarī and his contempora ries, marking the end of the early period and the transition to comprehensive exegetical writing. The transformative impact of the Nishapurī circle of tafsīr can also be evaluated within this framework. The “al-Kashshāf tradition”, an area whose significance has been somewhat understood in Turkish literature but has yet to be fully appreciated in international Qur’ānic studies, is also brought to the forefront in this article for its transformative role. Moreover, the contributions of Muʿtazilite thought, particularly its influence on Sunni kalām and subsequently on the discipline of rhetoric, and the transformation of tafsīr in the sixth century of the Hijri with the influence of rhetoric are of particular important in the same context. Examining all of these major transformations from a panoramic perspective, this research engages critically with the corpus of Western Qur’ānic studies and proposes enriching this body of work with the developments in Turkish tafsīr literature. (shrink)

Muslim communities in principally non-Muslim nation states (e.g. South Africa, United States of America, the United Kingdom and the Netherlands) established a plethora of Muslim theological institutions. They have done so with the purpose of educating and reinforcing their Muslim identity. These educational structures have given rise to numerous questions that one encounters as one explores the rationale for their formation. Some are: have these institutions contributed towards the growth of Muslim extremism as argued by American and European Think Tanks? (...) If so, then in which and why did they do so? If not, then why have they been falsely accused, and how should Muslims counter these erroneous criticisms? And, more importantly, have some of these educational institutions—as agents of ‘social change’—contributed towards the ‘common good’ of the society? In response, the article attempts to investigate the reasons for the formation of these Muslim educational institutions within a broad Southern Africa democratic context. It prefaces the discussion by first constructing ‘social change’ as a viable theoretical frame and it thereafter places the madrasas and Dar ul-‘Ulums within the mentioned context prior to reflecting upon the notion of the ‘common good.’ It then proceeds by making reference to the Dar ul-‘Ulum curriculum that plays a significant role in shaping and moulding the theologians’ thinking and behaviour. It concludes by questioning to what extent the type of theological curriculum that they constructed assists them to contribute towards the ‘common good’ of Southern Africa’ societies. (shrink)

Bu makale bireysel ve toplumsal düzeyde unutma, unutmayla bağlantılı olarak hafıza ve kimlik(sizleşme) sorunlarına odaklanmaktadır. Unutmanın modern kültüre özgü yaşam biçimlerinden kaynaklandığı varsayımıyla hareket edilmektedir. Herhangi bir şeyin "gösteri"lmedikçe anlam kazanamadığının düşünüldüğü modern yeni medya kültüründe bireylerin eylemleri yalnızca içi boşaltılan ve hızlıca unutulan seyirliklerden ibaret olmaktadır. Bu iç boşaltma ve anlamsızlaştırma tarihe, geleneğe, hafızaya ve kimliğe de benzer yollarla sirayet etmektedir. Kimlik; farklılıkların ve ayırt edilebilir özelliklerin ifade edilebilmesi için kullanılan bir terimdir. Bir kişi ismiyle, kökeniyle (geçmişiyle/hafızasıyla) diğerlerinden ayrılabilir. (...) Tüm bunların unutulması, farklılıkların silinmesi ve yeni kimliğin ayırt edilebilir yanlarının olmaması bireyi ve toplumu önemli bir kimlik sorunuyla karşılaştırmaktadır. Apples filmi hafızasını ve kimliğini kaybeden bir toplumun portresini çizmektedir. Bu makale; sosyolojik film analizi yöntemiyle Apples filmini analiz etmektedir. Modern kültürde unutma, hafıza ve kimlik sorunu üzerine tartışmalar yürütmektedir. Öncelikli olarak unutma meselesi üzerine yoğunlaşmakta, ardından unutmayla ilişkilendirilen hafıza ve kimlik konularına yönelmektedir. (shrink)

This research aims to clarify the features of the Islamic state, which Islam seeks and approves as an entity for its followers. It was found that the most important features are:Providing human dignity without discrimination, Achieving the absolute justice, Calling people to guidance in every place and time.Being based on the rulings of Islamic law, with the need for a constitution and the absence of despotism in governance.Distinguishing itself by calling for virtue and morality through spreading virtue, fighting vice, enjoining (...) the good and forbidding the evil.Strengthening the security system by taking care of the public interests and protecting society from corrupters and criminals, and taking action against them with deterrent punishments.Achieving sufficiency in the basic needs of its subjects so that they do not fall into hardship or difficulty.Providing work for those who are capable of it in a way that suits their abilities.All of this is within a system that aims for the pleasure of God Almighty, and that achieves happiness for people in this world and the hereafter. (shrink)

This study deals with al-Ḥakīm al-Tirmidhī’s conception of morality, how he bases this conception on hadiths and how he interprets hadiths according to his own Sufi disposition. al-Ḥakīm al-Tirmidhī is one of the foremost Sufis who resorted to the Qur'an and the Sunnah to prove his views on the issues of Sufism and morality. The study aims to analyze his handling of hadiths and the way he resorted to hadiths while grounding moral issues within the framework of his work Nawādir (...) al-Uṣūl. The study reveals that al-Ḥakīm al-Tirmidhī revealed the theoretical framework of the moral issue, determined the relationship between morality and related concepts such as wisdom and ingenuity, and read the hadiths with a moral perspective. In addition, it was concluded that al-Ḥakīm, who deals with the issue of morality from a different perspective, deals with and evaluates different issues that are frequently discussed in works of ethics and touches on the issue of practical ethics. Therefore, we can say that it represents a clear trend in the issue of ethics. However, it should be pointed out that he never touched the authenticity of the hadiths. (shrink)

In the Qurʾān, it is mentioned that those who disbelieve insist on not believing by putting forward various excuses. One of them is that deniers attribute polytheism to Allah’s wish. When those who disbelieve are asked why they do not believe, they argue that they cannot deny unless Allah wills. On the other hand, expressions in line with the words spoken by the polytheists in the Qurʾān are also attributed to Allah. Such a paradoxical appearance between the verses requires a (...) detailed examination of the subject. In this study, the reasons for using these expressions by the deniers and the historical contexts of the verses will be examined. In addition, we will talk about the discussion of whether the expressions that bind polytheism to the wish of God are absolutely correct, since the subject is related to the wish. Because the interpretation of the verses varies according to both views. In addition to this, whether the deniers are sincere in these words is an element that affects the interpretation. Ahl al-Sunna scholars argue that this proposition is absolutely correct and that the deniers say this sentence with a mocking attitude. On the other hand, Muʿtazilī scholars are of the opinion that the proposition is absolutely wrong and that the deniers say this word with conviction. In addition, while Muʿtazilī scholars think that the nature of the Allah’s wish in both verses is different; Ahl Sunna scholars think that both are the same. Although it seems at first glance that the disbelievers attribute their denial to the legacy of Allah is an attitude that mocks them and believes that Allah is pleased with them, in reality, this is because they deny fate and turn to coercion and do not believe in prophethood and the Hereafter. Because, saying “If Allah willed, we would not associate” is based on the conviction that Allah gave consent to this belief they inherited from their ancestors and left them in accordance with their current beliefs. Devotion to ancestors is not necessarily a bad thing. However, if loyalty to ancestors is through prophethood, it leads to a true faith and ensures that faith is transferred to the next generations in a healthy way. On the other hand, if traditional practices in the name of religion turn into a practice that is against the spirit of the religion after a while, devotion to ancestors becomes an element that leads to denial. The fact that their ancestors lived a very prosperous life in the world even though they also had this belief reveals that they did not believe in the hereafter. Because, according to their opinion, if their ancestors had not been on the right path, God should have punished them in this world. Another reason why they attribute their denial to the legacy of Allah is their lack of belief in prophethood. Because, according to them, prophethood does not have an effect, nor it is necessary, for their faith, which depends only on the legacy of Allah. The most important factor that determines whether the propositions in the verses we examined are correct is the context of the sentence and the intention of the people using the proposition. In other words, the meaning and value of attributing denial to Allah’s wish differs according to the addressee. Because one can mean the falsehood with a true word. The same expression used in different contexts used for this may also be false, due to the difference in context and purpose. As pointed out in verse 148 of Surat al-An’am, a person who has the ability and power to believe, abandon polytheism and rebellion, ignoring this opportunity and power given by Allah and implying that he is pleased with a deed that Allah is not pleased with like idolatry. “If Allah willed, we would not associate idolatry” is a false sentence and false claim that is expressed in the verse. On the other hand, as pointed out in verse 107 of the Surat al-An’am and verse 99 of Surat Yunus, our Prophet who is desperate in the current situation and who has an extreme sense of responsibility because they do not believe, consoled our Prophet that his only duty was to convey the truth to the deniers with the statement “If Allah so willed, they would not have converted to Islam” and “If Allah willed, all those on earth would have believed,” indicating that he allowed them to practice idolatry as a requirement of the test and that he did not force people to believe, in order to state that he is not a guardian and that he should not force them to believe. Therefore, each different situation points to a different dimension of the truth about God’s legitimacy. (shrink)

In history, many conflicts have occurred in understanding and interpretation of the verses of the Qur'an. When details come up and when the opinions about the content of the subject are put forward, more conflicts occur in the interpretation of a verse even when it seems to be clear a first glance. Facts such as to whom the verse addresses, who is meant by the verse, in which time the verse has been descended and the situations revealed by the verse, (...) whether it has the same validity for everyone causes the deepening of the difference. While these conflicts sometimes bring diversity in interpretation, sometimes there may be opinions that cannot be reconciled with each other, which are quite disconnected from each other and reject each other radically. In the interpretation of the verse “There is None of You Who Will Not Pass Over It”, many different views have been put forward about who is meant in the verse, what the nature of the entry into hell is and who is within the scope of this verse. In the integrity of the Qur'an, the commentators have resorted to some evidence to solve the issue of how to locate the interpretation of this verse. Some said that this verse was only directed towards the disbelievers. Some have said that this verse is covering everyone, but the entry of believers to hell is a temporary entry and does not have the purpose of punishment. This study aims to reveal the conflicts that have arisen about the interpretation of the verse “There is None of You Who Will Not Pass Over It” (Wa In Minkum İllā Wāriduhā) and to evaluate these conflicts in the context of the semantic analysis of the verb w-r-d. Therefore, first of all, the etymological structure of the verb w-r-d was examined and the dictionary meaning of the word was revealed. Then, in order to determine the meaning of this word before the revelation, the meanings of this verb root in the poems of Jahiliyyah were tried to be determined. Then, the places where this verb stem is used in the Qurʾān are examined and the meanings in the contexts are pointed out. As the next step, the disagreements that have come up to date regarding the interpretation of the verse “There is None of You Who Will Not Pass Over” have been put forward. These conflicts have been addressed by frequently applying to the classical and modern tafsīr studies written until today, starting from the tafsir narrations from the first interlocutors of the Qurʾān. Further, these conflicts have been tried to be presented by classifying them within themselves. Subsequently, it has been tried to contribute to the interpretation of the verse by considering the data obtained from the semantic analysis of the verb w-r-d. Finally, the issue of why this verb root was preferred in this verse, which mentions that all people will go to hell without exception, has been discussed. (shrink)

Bu çalışmanın amacı Martin Buber etiğinin özgünlüğünü keşfetmek ve geliştirmektir. Buber varlığı ilişki temelinde ele alarak Ben-O ve Ben-Sen ilişkisi olarak ayırmıştır. Ben-O ilişkisi insanın varlıkla sıradan tecrübesine karşılık gelirken, Ben-Sen ilişkisi insanın ötekiyle diyalog kurduğu anda ortaya çıkan daha derin bir ilişkidir. Ötekiyle ilişki; tüm etik değerlendirmeleri içinde barındıran, yaşamın dinamizmine uygun, insanlık tarihinin mitolojik ve etik dinamiklerini de içeren bir ilişkinin temellerini içermektedir. Ben-Sen ilişkisi yalnızca insanın insanlarla kurduğu bir ilişkiyi değil insanın canlı, cansız ve manevi tüm varlıklarla (...) kurduğu ilişkiyi açıklamaktadır. Ben-Sen ilişkisinin sadece insanın insanla olan ilişkiyi ele almaması etik üzerine yapılan çalışmalara yeni bir bakış sağlayacak niteliktedir. Buber’in etik anlayışı; diyalog etiği, ötekiyle ilişki etiği, durum etiği, antropolojik etik, varoluş etiği, meslek etiği, anarşist etik, postmodern etik gibi birçok etik anlayışla bağlantılıdır. Buber herhangi bir ahlaki norm ve etik koda bağlı olmayan, tarihsel, ontolojik ve ilişkiyi öncül kılan geniş çaplı içeriğe sahip bir etiğin temellerini ortaya koymaktadır. (shrink)

Türkiye, Amerika Birleşik Devletleri ve İngiltere’nin ardından dünyada en fazla dizi ihraç eden üçüncü ülke konumundadır. Bu çalışma, popüler Türk dizilerinde sunulan aile imajını ve lise öğrencileri üzerindeki potansiyel sonuçlarını incelemektedir. Araştırma, boşanma, nikâhsız birliktelikler, serbest ilişkiler ve mahremiyetin dönüşümü gibi aile kurumunu tehdit eden ve dönüştüren faktörleri belirlemiş ve bu faktörlerin toplumsal yapı üzerindeki yansımalarını değerlendirmiştir. Medyanın, özellikle dizilerin, toplum üzerindeki etkisi ve lise öğrencilerinin medya tüketim alışkanlıkları, anket ve tematik içerik analizi yöntemleri kullanılarak analiz edilmiştir. Türkiye’de lise öğrencileri (...) arasında en popüler dizilerin "Kurtlar Vadisi", "Yasak Elma", "Sadakatsiz" ve "Aşk 101" olduğu tespit edilmiş ve bu dizilerin sunduğu aile imajı eleştirel bir bakış açısıyla incelemiştir. Dizilerdeki aile temsillerinin, gençlerin aile anlayışını ve mahremiyet kavramını nasıl etkilediği ekme ve gündem belirleme kuramları çerçevesinde analiz edilmiştir. Bulgular, popüler dizilerin, geleneksel aile değerlerine ve yapısına yönelik algıları değiştirebileceğini ve genç izleyicilerin sosyal gündemlerini etkileyebileceğini göstermiştir. Araştırma sonuçları, eğitimcilere, aile danışmanlarına ve politikacılara, gençlerin medya ile olan ilişkisini yönlendirecek stratejiler geliştirme konusunda rehberlik etmeyi amaçlamaktadır. (shrink)

One of the new and interesting topics of the economic literature is middleincome trap. Middle-income trap can be generally defined as middle-income countries showing a slow growth performance, jamming at a certain level of income and can not pass to high income groups. The aim of this study is to investigate whether the E7 (Emerging 7) countries, which have an important place among the developing countries, are in middle-income trap. In this context, Robertson and Ye (2013) approach has been taken (...) into consideration. Empirical analyzes were performed using single and two structural breaks unit root tests. As a result of the analysis, evidence has been obtained that Indonesia, Mexico and Russia that member of E-7 groups, are in the middle-income trap. Brazil, China, India and Turkey are not generally in the middle-income trap. (shrink)

It is stated in the Qur'an that there will be punishments and rewards for the deeds done. In addition, some details about the punishments and rewards to be given are given. While talking about punishment and reward, another issue that the Qur'an mentions is the issue of doubling of deeds. When the Qur'an is examined, two, ten, and seven hundred numbers are encountered as the coefficients for good deeds. As the coefficient that bad deeds will be doubled, either a solid (...) or a double expression is encountered. In our study, we will try to determine the reasons for using the expression tenfold, how it is interpreted that a good deed is rewarded tenfold, and the place of tenfold reward in the interpretation of the verses about giving the reward of a good deed. In addition to these, we will touch on the differences in interpretation that have emerged about the interpretation of this verse. The claim that it would be unjust to connect the subject with the subject of ru’yatullah and to give an absolute tenfold reward for each deed gives a different dimension to the difference in interpretation. In other words, there are conflicts that can be considered as a richness of interpretation, and there is a conflict in which theological principles are decisive. The fact that the issue of giving tenfold reward is handled in the context of between justice and the distinction sawāb-lutf shows that the theological paradigm difference is decisive in this conflict. In our study, we will deal with the issue that good deeds will be rewarded tenfold, both in terms of nature and problematic. The problematic aspect of this issue is which part of the tenfold reward is deserved and which part is the grace of God, and the difference in the nature of these two. In addition, the question of whether the additional rewards that will be given to the servants can be interpreted as seeing Allah instead of tenfold reward is the problematic aspect of our study. (shrink)

Ockhamlı William’dan bu yana çeşitli biçim alışlarla karşımıza çıkan dilde sadeleşme hareketi, 20. Yüzyılda analitik dil felsefesinin kurucuları tarafından farklı bir boyuta taşınmış, mantıksal pozitivizmde ise zirveye ulaşmıştır. Doğa bilimsel yöntemlerin etkisiyle şekillenen ve modern mantık alanında yapılan özgün ve nitelikli çalışmaların etkisiyle yetkinleşen bu anlayış, felsefenin metafizik problemlerini dil bağlamında ele almaktadır. Bu görüşün savunucuları, getirmiş oldukları bir dizi ölçüt aracılığıyla anlamlı olan ve olmayan ifadeler arasında ayrım yapmayı hedeflemişlerdir. Felsefi gelenekteki çözümsüz görünen “anlamsız” metafizik tartışmaları “elimine etmeyi” amaçlayan (...) bu hareketin vardığı son noktada, olgusal bir karşılığı bulunmayan ve mantıksal sözdizimi kurallarına uymayan her ifade, metafiziğin kalıntısı olmakla itham edilmektedir. Adorno ve Horkheimer’a göre spekülatif felsefeye yönelik gerçekleştirilen bu saldırı, Aydınlanma’nın dili mitostan arındırma çabalarının doruk noktasıdır. Onlara göre analitik dil felsefesinin olgucu filozoflarının felsefelerinde dilin anlam taşımasına müsaade edilmemekte ve yalnızca gösterge işlevi dikkate alınmaktadır. Dil, bir formül olarak katılaşarak soyutlaşmakta ve formüle uymayan her düşünce solup gitmektedir. Bu anlayış, spekülatif felsefe geleneğindeki felsefi sistemlerin unsurları olan etik, estetik, yaşamın anlamı gibi konuların felsefeden tasfiye edilmesine yol açmıştır. Adorno ve Horkheimer’a göre varlık alanındaki niteliksel farklılıkların göz ardı edilmesi, insanın şeyleşmesi ve kendi özüne yabancılaşmasına sebep olmuş, bireyin gizilgüçlerini kaybettiği bu ortamda toplumsal dönüşümün imkanı da ortadan kalkmıştır. (shrink)

Tarihte Aydınlanma adıyla bilinen dönemden bu yana metafizik, “bilimsel” olanın karşısına konumlandırılmıştır. Kabaca söyleyecek olursak Aydınlanma düşüncesi, bir zamanlar dünyayı açıklama ve onu anlamlandırmanın yegane yolu olan metafiziği hurafe ve safsata olarak görme, buna karşılık deneyime ve olgulara itibar etme eğilimindedir. Biz bu çalışmada, metafiziğe mesafeli olmak konusunda birleşen ve felsefelerinde genel olarak deneyimden ve olgulardan yana tavır takındığını söyleyebileceğimiz iki filozof olan Ludwig Wittgenstein ve William James’i karşılaştırdık. Herhangi iki şey arasında kıyaslama yapabilmek, ortak unsurların asgari düzeyde varlığını gerektirir. (...) Biz bahsi geçen iki düşünürü onların “doğruluk” anlayışları ve buna paralel olarak metafiziği değerlendirme biçimleri bağlamında ele aldık. Wittgenstein’a göre dünya hakkında öznellikten arınmış objektif bilgiye erişmek mümkündür. Ona göre psikoloji, epistemolojiden kesin olarak ayrılmalıdır. Doğruluğun süzgeci dildeki mantıksal form, nesneleri de olgulardır. Bu koşulları yerine getirmeyen tümceler anlamdan yoksundur. Metafiziğin kendisine konu edindiği nesneler, üzerine konuşulamayanlardır. Onlar “gösterilebilir” fakat dile getirilemezler. Oysa James için durum farklıdır. Ona göre olgular kendi başlarına doğru veya yanlış olamazlar. Doğruluk James’e göre zihnin deneyim süreçleriyle şekillenmektedir ve esnek bir yapıdadır. Mevcut inanç stokumuz ile uyumlu olan ve pratik olarak bir fark yaratabilen her türden düşünce doğruluk vasfını yerine getirmeye hak kazanacaktır. James’e göre psikoloji, doğrulanma süreçlerinden ve doğrunun kendisinden bağımsız değildir. (shrink)

İslami ilimlerin hemen hemen hepsinde eserler veren Taberî çok yönlü bir alim özelliğini haizdir. Kelâm konularında özellikle tefsiri ve akaid risalelerinde konu hakkındaki bütün bilgi ve rivayetleri verdikten sonra varsa kendi görüşünü de aktarmak suretiyle kelam alanında söz sahibi olduğunu hissettirmektedir. Bunu yaparken Kur’an ve Sünnetten gelen haberlerin olduğu gibi kabul edilmesini savunurken, buna uygun olarak selefe ittiba vurgusunu oldukça sık yapmaktadır. Kelam ilminin özellikle uluhiyyet konuları Allah hakkında konuşma temasını içermesinden dolayı dikkat edilmesi gereken bir alandır. Allah’ın zatı ve (...) sıfatlarına dair konular tabir caizse Taberî’nin özel ve dokunulmaz alanıdır ve kendisi bu alana rivayet dışında bir şeyin sokulmasına kesinlikle karşıdır. El, ayak, göz, yüz, parmak, gülmek, oturmak, gelmek, gitmek gibi Kur’an ve hadislerde Allah’a izafe edilen bu tür sıfatların insanlarda da olması; öte yandan bu konuda Allah hakkında bir antropomorfizme düşme tehlikesinden dolayı selef özellikle bu konularda susmayı tercih etmiş, te’vile şiddetle karşı çıkmıştır. Taberî de haberî sıfatları anlamada selefe tabi olmakla ve te’vile karşı çıkmakla beraber tefsirci ve dilci olmasını verdiği yetkinlikle de bu sıfatları nahiv-dil kuralları çerçevesinde açıklamaya da çalışmıştır. Bazı haberî sıfatlar hakkında sadece o sıfatla alakalı görüşleri aktarıp, bunlar hakkında bir yorum yapmayıp bir şey söylemezken bazı sıfatlar hakkındaki görüşleri aktardıktan sonra eleştireceği bir yer varsa eleştirmiş, savunacağı bir yer varsa da bunu açıkça belirtmiştir. Bu da haberi sıfatları ele alış tarzını göstermesi ve onun metodunu anlamamız açısından önemlidir. Bu çalışmamızda Taberî’nin haberî sıfatları ele alış ve anlama tarzı hakkında bir malumat sahibi olup onun bu konuda nasıl bir tutum içerisinde olduğu irdelenecek ve bir sonuca varmaya çalışılacaktır. (shrink)

The Sciences of the Qurʾān contain information about the process of Qurʾān and its structural characteristics, language and stylistic features, as well as statistical data on the content of the Qurʾān. This information, which contributes significantly to the understanding of the Qurʾān, is generally classified within the relevant narratives and the classifications are sometimes associated with verses. In this context, the way in which the Sciences of the Qurʾān explain the verses, which do not act solely on methodical premises, differs (...) from the Qurʾānic exegesis books. In the Sciences of the Qurʾān, the subject of revelation forms are classified within the frame of the narrations, and the 51st verse of the Sūrat al-Shūrā is frequently referred to. In other words, the related classifications are matched with the 51st verse of the Sūrat al-Shūrā. In the exegesis, this verse is handled more comprehensively considering its context and the literal possibilities. There are two remarkable comments about this verse in terms of its reflection in the revelation classifications. However, on the contrary, it is possible to encounter examples where the verse is subject to specific discussions. One of them belongs to Jār Allāh al-Zamakhsharī (d.538/1144) and the other to Nāṣir al-Dīn al-Bayḍāwī (d. 685/1286). When the exegesis of al-Zamakhsharī and al-Bayḍāwī are examined, it is seen that this verse is the subject of ru’yat Allah (seeing Allah) discussion between Muʿtazila and Ahl al-Sunnah and the classifications are made in this context. However, it is interesting to note that the classification of al-Zamakhsharī is more suitable for the perspective of the Sciences of the Qurʾān. In this study, the codes of the determinations made by al-Zamakhsharī and al-Bayḍāwī related to the 51st verse of Sūrat al-Shūrā was read on the commentaries. While al-Zamakhsharī explains this verse as a proof for the argument that God cannot be seen, al-Bayḍāwī develops an example of reactionary interpretation upon Zamakhsharī’s view. The Sciences of the Qurʾān (as a discipline), which opens a separate title to the ways of revelation, uses this verse as a template and takes it away from the discussion. In the study, the subjective dimensions of the discussion and classifications made in the context of this verse were evaluated. As a result, it is concluded that a classification similar to classification of al-Zamakhsharī has been made in the literature of the Sciences of the Qurʾān as it provides more comprehensive framework. Summary: During the period of revelation of the Holy Qurʾān not only the sunnah and actions of the Prophet which explained the Holy Qurʾān, but also various sources of information based on language and consultation, were used in order to understand the Holy Qurʾān. The first people introduced to the revelation used their own language/oratory skills, which were natural them, to understand the Qurʾān and were also able to observe the events and problems that brought about the revelation of the verses. These elements, used by those first people for understanding the Qurʾān, were readily available in their society. Therefore, understanding of the Qurʾān while the Prophet was still alive did not require a codification of those resources or treatment of the matter on a theoretical level. Subsequent generations mostly compensated the lack of those advantages by the use of the Sciences of the Qurʾān books penned individually after 2nd Century (A.H.), and those written systematically under the collective name "the Sciences of the Qurʾān" starting from the 6th century (A.H.). These works covered many subjects such as the beginning of the revelation, the accentuation of the Qurʾān, the physical development process of the Qurʾānic text, information based on observation as well as the tone and content of the Qurʾān and provided information details for Qurʾānic interpretations. Over time, this information was classified in the Sciences of the Qurʾān literature, organized under various relevant titles and enhanced with examples, numerical and qualitative information. One of the main topics of the Sciences of the Qurʾān is the subject of “revelation and its forms”. In the literature of the Sciences of the Qurʾān, the classifications made under this topic are generally associated with the verse 51 of Sūrat al-Shūrā. In this verse, the forms of communication between Allah (Jalla Jalaluhu) and the servant/prophet are categorized. The context of the verse 51 of the Sūrat al-Shūrā in the tafsīr literature is different from the context in the Sciences of the Qurʾān literature. As a matter of fact, while this verse is examined in detail with respect to the context, concept analysis, and the possibilities of i‘rāb (classical Arabic grammar), it is merely referred to in the Sciences of the Qurʾān. This is due to the fact that the determinations and classifications made in the Sciences of the Qurʾān are shaped mostly in the light of the historical context and narrations of the subject.It is also possible to encounter examples of tafsīr where the 51st verse is made the topic of detailed discussions. There are two remarkable comments about this verse in terms of its reflection in the revelation classifications. One of them belongs to Jār Allāh al-Zamakhsharī (d.538/1144) and the other belongs to Nāṣir al-Dīn al-Bayḍāwī (d. 685/1286). The tafsīr s of al-Zamakhsharī and al-Bayḍāwī make it clear that this verse is the subject of ru’yat Allah discussion between the Muʿtazila and Ahl al-Sunnah and the classifications are made accordingly. The fact that i‘rāb examinations of the two authors are similar and both took into account other linguistic possibilities despite their preferences, which also prove that the points of conflict are not literal. Al-Zamakhsharī thinks that this verse determines the way Allah speaks not only with his prophets but also with all people. According to al-Zamakhsharī, the 51st verse refers to the three forms of communication that takes place between God and any of His servants. Allah communicates with His servants; a) through inspiration, inspiration to heart or through dreams, b) by making His words heard through certain channels, c) by sending one of his angels as a messenger. In the verse, the first is expressed as revelation, the second is to speak behind a veil, and the third is to send a messenger. According to al-Zamakhsharī, Allah's inspiration to the mother of Moses, the dream that He showed to Abraham regarding the sacrificing of his son and inspiration of Psalms to David, all relate to the revelation concept mentioned in the first option. Al-Zamakhsharī believes that revelation from behind a veil is an adage. This adage can be compared to a king speaking with one of those at his service behind a veil/curtain, where the person hears the voice of the king but cannot see him. Allah only spoke to Moses and angels in that manner, and sent angels to speak to His other servants/prophets.As a response to al-Zamakhsharī, al-Bayḍāwī interpreted the verse concisely explaining the 'revelation' (وحيا) as a secret word that is quickly understood. Because, in terms of its nature, revelation is not a word made up of sound waves that come one after another to make words. In the verse, this word refers both to the Night Journey (Mi‘rāj) and the talk mentioned in the hadiths regarding the ru’yat Allah, and Allah speaking to Moses without Moses seeing Allah. However, in the verse min verâi ḥicâb/attributed to the word 'revelation 'من وراء حجاب makes it clear that the expression refers to a form of speech in which Allah is heard but not seen. Therefore, the word 'revelation' refers to a mutual talk and according to al-Bayḍāwī, this is proof that ru’yat Allah is possible. The fact that the classifications made in the Sciences of the Qurʾān literature agrees with the classification of al-Zamakhsharī, not al-Bayḍāwī. This result is closely related to the structural features of the Sciences of the Qurʾān in which authors strive to make general explanations that are beyond sectarian preferences and views. Understanding the verse as a conversation between Allah and man, and not between Allah and His prophet, provides a more comprehensive classification in terms of the use of revelations (not only the use of the word revelation) in the Qurʾān. Thus, the address that was made to Abraham in his dream, the revelation of to Moses' mother, and inspiration to our holy Prophet and other people can be interpreted according to this verse. In addition, the ru’yat Allah debate was excluded from the subject in the classifications made in the Sciences of the Qurʾān and implication of the verse was limited to the talks made in a worldly manner. (shrink)

In the field of ʿUlūm al-Qurʾān, in which the conceptual framework of the science of interpretation is drawn and the main rules used in tafsīr are discussed, independent books have been compiled since early periods. Some of these works stand out as foundational texts because they make important determinations about the nature, function, methodology, and relationship of the science of tafsīr with other Islamic sciences. The masterpiece entitled Fahm al-Qurʾān by al-Khāris al-Muhāsibī, a scholar of sufism, tafsīr, kalām, and hadīth (...) is one of these books. Al-Muḥāsibī was a writer who lived in a period when philological and Sharīʿah sciences gained a systematic structure and schools were born and developed. Muhāsib'i's multifaceted scholarly depth, the requirements of his time, and the characteristics of his work distinguish Fahm al-Qurʾān from other works in the field in terms of its problematic, content, and style. It can be said that Fahm al-Qurʾān consists of two main chapters. In the first chapter, the issues of kalām, meaning, and reason are subjected to a quiddity inquiry. In the second chapter, the linguistic aspect of kalām is emphasized and the content and style of the Qur'ān are discussed under the headings of muhkam- mutashābih, naskh and üslūb al-Qur'ān. In this work, al-Muḥāsibī suggests that before asking How we should understand the Qur'ān?, the reader should ask What exactly is being understood and what is meaning? The first of these questions includes the question Who am I? While the sources of The Sciences of the Qurʾān mostly focus on how to understand the Qurʾān at the epistemological and methodological level, in Fahm al- Qurʾān, the meaning of understanding the Qurʾān is problematized and a theory of reason and meaning that is competent with moral training is built. Thus, the conceptual inquiries of the work extend to the existential philosophy of the author. Despite these privileges, it is surprising that Fahm al-Qurʾān did not gain a prominent place among the main sources of tafsir methodology in later periods. This may be due to the theorization of a theory of meaning in which moral maturation is placed at the center. In this research, while trying to reveal the original value that Muhāsibī added to the field with Fahm al-Qurʾān, the systematic structure of the science of interpretation, its connection with other religious sciences, the relationship between speech adjective and language were made problematic and tried to be resolved in the context of the research hypothesis. In this context, it has been determined that al-Muḥāsibī's Fahm al-Qurʾān draws the conceptual framework of tafsīr methodology in relation to the authentic structure of the sharī'ah sciences at a very early period. The fact that Fahm al-Qurʾān carries important signs regarding the position of tafsīr in the hierarchy of sciences and its relationship with other sharī'ah sciences increases the value of the work in identifying the codes of the traditional paradigm. In the research, in which induction methods were used in text analysis and deduction methods were used in discourse analysis, it was determined that Fahm al-Qurʾān had a fiction that shapes the traditional paradigm and depicts the authentic structure of religious sciences. (shrink)